White Burgers, Black Cash centers on fast food from Black exclusion to exploitation. The author's focus is on the fact that there's a reason, in addition to corporate greed, that there are so many fast food and cheap food options in Black neighbourhoods, marketed to Black Americans with advertising and promotions. There is a direct correlation between this phenomenon and the adverse health conditions that impact Black Americans in higher numbers, including Type 2 Diabetes. When fast food first emerged in the mid 20th century-ish, it was catering to White suburban customers and definitely enforcing Jim Crow laws to keep Black customers out. Through the arc of the book's trajectory, the reader will learn how all of the changed, why, and the reason why fast-food establishments are the way they are today.
Beginning as early as 1912, the first 'fast food' company was Horn & Hadart, followed by White Castle in 1921, then White Tower in 1926 (and the placement of 'White' in the names of these establishments is not a mistake in the sense that the companies were making it very clear and upfront about who they wanted their customers to be). In the 20s there were a few other minor players until you got to 1936 with Big Boy, then onto Brown's in 1951, and KFC in 1952 or Church's Kentucky Fried Chicken as it was then known. In 1954, you got Burger King Henry's, and in 1955, McDonald's. Wendy's and Popeye's came along in 1970 and 1972 respectively. These are the origins of the American fast-food landscape today, for the most part. When most people first think of the main fast food options, taking race out of the equation, the names that first come to mind are McDonald's, Burger King, Wendy's, KFC, Pizza Hut, and maybe a few others that are localized to the United States like Denny's, Waffle House, and Sonic.
As the author points out right at the beginning of this text, "Fast food has always been a fundamentally anti-Black enterprise." It's everything in America, and around the world. Fast food is everywhere in Black communities and the most readily accessible, especially with lower prices (not counting inflation). This is by design, because it's no coincidence that Black communities "contend with worse health profiles than do their [w]hite counterparts for myriad health conditions." While lawmakers, researchers, and community residents have learned over the past several decades that fast food carries with it health risks, it also plays a huge role in obesity and chronic illnesses.
"Fast food is anti-Black because it has subordinated Blackness throughout its history."
First, the author takes readers to the point in the introduction to learn that James Baldwin, literary great, when wanting a hamburger when he was in Trenton, New Jersey, was denied service each time. These fast food outlets operated in "exclusionary [w]hite space and remained intensely focused on [w]hiteness for decades." It wouldn't be until the 1970s that Black consumers would have ready access to hamburgers, when things shifted to the era of Black exploitation.
There's been a deliberate associating of by white press and policymakers that crime, fast food, Blackness, and a community on the disadvantaged side of an entrenched racial and socioeconomic divide" makes for their explanation of why there are such high incidences of violent crime.
The public imagination has been taught to put together the image of fast food + unhealthiness + Blackness as assumptions about the shape of the food environment continue, and obesity rates skyrocket.
In all of the studies that the author conducted with their colleagues, they found that Blackness was the common variable among higher incidences of where fast food locations were located. "The more Black people there were, the more fast food was present." Further, they found that affluent Black neighbourhoods were just as likely to be exposed to fast food.
Not only were white proprietors established the baselines and foundations for the fast food industry with drive-in models, but also one in particular, Bill Marriott, created a Coon Chicken Inn, "a restaurant that featured the racist caricature of a Black man with an open, gaping mouth at the front door." So, not only were these early establishments discriminatory, threatening violence to Black customers if they did not leave, but also, the white men who started the White Castles and so on were creating racist eateries to cater to more white customers, and, as if that weren't bad enough, to be selling consumable whiteness in various forms. It sold whiteness through the consumption, domination, and mockery of Blackness. They also sold racial exclusion, "and sold [w]hiteness through the invisibility of Blackness. They sold [w]hiteness as a consumable purity, cleanliness, and moral uprightness."
And, you guessed it, if these restaurants did not serve Black customers, they sure as heck did not hire Black employees. Black Chicagoans, for example,, had to travel "to factories, meatpacking houses, and steel mills" for work, having difficulty finding it near their homes.
"In 1910, nearly half of employed Black men held one of just four jobs: porters, servants, waiters, and janitors. More than two-thirds of Black women were domestic servants or launderers." Professions like skilled trades, clerical work, and civil service, "apart from postal workers," were generally closed to Black workers.
Women were hired at burger restaurants for the first time mostly around World War 2 because of the labour shortage with most of the men fighting the war. However, it's important to note here that while white women were being hired, the burger establishments made "no real changes in hiring Black folk, through some outlets in Kansas City resorted to hiring 'colored girls' as servers."
Consider also that Detroit's only White Castle employee who was an African American woman worked on doing janitorial work during the Second World War.
"Neither did White Castle serve Black folk."
The author next explains other chains, some of them imitators of White Castle, and others lesser-known ones that established at the turn of the 20th century, like Little Tavern.
Black space, the author emphasizes, was "widely associated with disease and degradation." The mode of operations for most of the burger establishments was 'cleanliness,' a concept that was situated as opposite to Black communities, showing the inherent racism built into the foundations of these businesses.
The next chapter discusses Black-owned businesses, including barbecue stands in Chicago, "operating from old boxcars or discontinued streetcars," which were popular African American businesses, particularly in Bronzeville. Chicken shacks were another type of business popular in the area, but this contravened the idea of 'respectable eaters' as described by historian Jennifer Jensen Wallach.
W.E.B. Du Bois "exhorted Black folks to avoid unhealthy foods, as he and others envisioned racial progress through dietary change." This section of the chapter was of particular interest as it's an aspect of scholarship about Du Bois that many readers may not have come across previously. Booker T. Washington also cautioned against his students eating what he referred to as 'knickknacks' such as cheese, crackers, and desserts as well as pork, as he argued these contributed to the high mortality rate of African Americans. There was a biopolitics of Black eating, as the author expands upon.
Further, the author goes into continued discussions about the challenges Black-owned businesses faced, including the large-scale destruction of them, which had 'immediate and long-lasting effects.' Many businesses in Black neighbourhoods 'lost to slum clearance,' even if African Americans did not own them, a difficult challenge as they provided essential goods and services to Black consumers. Still, establishments like White Castle also experienced distress due to urban renewal, and loss of sales.
In the next chapter, the author discusses McDonald's. "Although some scholars have described McDonald's as opening stores in Black communities in the late 1960s, most of those outlets had already been there--what was new were the Black neighbors who arrived as [w]hite people quit town." Embedded in this discussion is the issue of redlining and Black home buyers being denied purchasing houses. Next, the discussion turns to Burger King. As the author asserts, Central Florida was a site of repeated repression as well as violence that whites inflicted on the Black population in the 1920s and 1930s, particularly the lynching in 1934 of Claude Neale. It drew "more NAACP files than any incident in American history, and during WWII and beyond, Black men were rounded up under vagrancy laws, fined for not working and either imprisoned, or sent forcibly to plantations or turpentine camps to pay off the unjust debt." These are things that are not nearly as widely as they should be, making this a text that is essential in the field.
The reason Florida comes up is because Miami is where McDonald's and KFC originated--aka places where Black people 'were nowhere to be found.' "Burger King was born in a place with a Black population but was no less hostile." The colour line, the author reminds readers, was extremely severe. Given this, it is surprising that Burger King was the first of the 'big three' burger joints to serve Black customers. Prior to Burger King, there was a Royal Castle in Miami. The author then discusses how the men, like Edgerton, who planned where to put the first Burger King in Miami knew what they were doing in the sense that one does not randomly choose a Black neighbourhood in the Jim Crow South, so it stands to reason that he targeted Brownsville.
Further on, the author discusses the racialized violence in the 1950s and how this affected drive-in restaurants, which became, in white suburbs anyway, 'synonymous with teenage "rowdyism,"' with residents protesting the providing of restaurant permits.
The author ties the progress and developments of fast food chains with the civil rights issues affecting African American communities, including disproportionate and targeted violence. In one of the middle chapters, the author discusses the rise of the Black Panther party, who wanted to 'build a well-fed, well-cared for, healthy Black community.' Although the risks of fast-food were not as well known as they are today, there were reasons why some groups like the Black Panther party advocated for what they did with food health, versus the OBU, and why McDonald's was a logical target.
In one of the later chapters, the author also shows how Black entertainers like Mahalia Jackson were incorporated into the fast-food game, such as with Mahalia Jackson's 'Gloree-Fried Chicken,' to compete with KFC. With this example in particular, the author reveals the complex inner workings of such businesses and other industries that were involved. Another chain that people may not be familiar with is Afri-Kingdom, which operated on the South Side of Chicago. Next up, the discussion also includes Harold's Chicken Shack, which leads into the era of the 1970s and Blaxploitation. In this time period, "Black customers were no longer a mere afterthought or a necessity wrought by social unrest; corporations now turned to actively exploiting Black communities for profit." This affected several industries, including fast-food. In 1978, Ebony magazine ran an advertisement announcing that Church's Fried Chicken was hiring, with an image of Milton Sanders, a Black executive there, seemingly to incentivize Black customers to frequent the chain.
Overall, an extremely thorough and granular look at fast food from a neglected and under-studied viewpoint, "White Burgers, Black Cash" is an essential primer for those wanting to understanding what is a necessary text exploring this aspect of food history.