James Miller set himself quite a task with book. A history of democracy as a concept and its practical application in the real world. It is a massive subject, and Miller himself acknowledges that this is not an exhaustive history both in the text and in the title (A Short History of a Radical Idea), but he does an admirable job covering some of the most significant events and people in the history of democracy.

Before getting into this review I will say that my Kindle experienced a brain fart when I was about half way through the book and I lost all of my electronic notes up to that point. There’s something to said for ye olde pencile and papere.

Right from the start Miller sets out some of the inherent contradictions in democratic theory and practice. He states, for example, that contrary to the theory, democracy in practice, combined with free market economics, has led to increasing inequality while those who govern have become increasingly remote from their constituents and give the impression of being controlled by a hidden political elite. In spite of this, democracy holds an almost universal appeal, even within the most extreme authoritarian states; even North Korea calls itself a ‘Democratic People’s Republic.’

The bulk of Miller’s history traces the evolution of democracy in the United States from the time of the American Revolution; and Europe from the French Revolution, though the first chapter is dedicated to the democracy of Ancient Athens.

Athens practiced a form of direct democracy where all eligible men (and only men) would be selected at random to serve on a large (some 500 people) governing council. Service on the council was uncompensated and no-one could serve for more than two, inconsecutive, terms. Miller claims that this form of direct democracy helped to make Athens the pre-eminent city-state in Ancient Greece, but also contributed to its ultimate defeat in the Peloponnesian War. Indeed the problems with Athens’ democracy, as Miller sets them out, can, to some extent, also be seen in modern representative democracy; demagoguery, excessive litigation, political grandstanding, the polarisation of the ‘demos’ (or the people). Similar forms of direct democracy have been experimented with in the more recent past such as in the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Occupy movement in the US in 2011.

Miller goes on to track the development of democracy in Europe and the US, and, what I found most interesting, some of the main players in the development of political theory such as Thomas Paine, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Nicolas de Condorcet, Karl Marx, Walter Lippmann and Samuel Huntington, among others. It was very interesting reading about how these great minds of history defined how they saw democracy and comparing it to how democratic societies have developed over the last 250 odd years.

The ultimate question at the heart of this book is, what actually constitutes democracy? Do the people need to be directly involved as they were in Ancient Athens? Is modern representational democracy a true democracy? Miller doesn’t answer these questions, but leaves them open for the reader to decide. What is certain, however, is that democracy today is markedly different to what the French and American revolutionaries of the 18th Century would call democracy.

Of course with a subject this broad there are some omissions, but I think that is largely unavoidable. The unification of Italy for example, is only briefly touched upon, as is the Roman Republic which must surely be viewed as the earliest of representational democracies in spite of the inherent class divisions in that society. The most glaring omission, however, is probably that of Magna Carta. Certainly the Magna Carta did not usher in a new democratic era in England, but it is seen as a foundation stone of constitutional and parliamentary government in Great Britain and, by extension, Commonwealth countries around the world. It has also informed the creation of many countries’ constitutions, including the USA.

Ultimately this is an excellent history of democracy both in theory and in practice. Miller’s writing is concise and engaging. His depth of knowledge and the extent of his research make him a compelling writer. Highly recommended.

From the country that gave us democracy, Greece to the French Revolution and the first stones of the American state, Miller offered a fresh overview (with good storytelling skills) on the good and the bad in democracy. I only wish more people would read books like this one.

Almost nobody now disputes that democracy is the most desirable system of political regime. It may have its flaws but no other form of government is known to work so well. Democracy may be our clearest path to freedom.

The rise of Donald Trump in the United States and the 2016 Brexit referendum in the UK have initiated a debate of whether there is such a thing as ‘too much democracy.’ Democracy, some argue “is not the act of voting; democracy is a system of government.” That’s why referendums like the one we just saw in the UK are deeply undemocratic. “Given voter turnout of 70% in the UK, it means that the Leave campaign won with only 36% of eligible voters backing it. This isn’t democracy…. it is Russian roulette for republics.”

Soon after the UK voted to leave the European Union the British people were googling the meaning of the European Union. “What is the EU?” was the second-most-popular question being asked in relation to the Brexit in the hours since the result of the referendum has been announced. Although this doesn’t give the whole picture, as Google Trends shows the intensity of a search and not its absolute volume, it is indicative of how little the British public knew about the EU. (There was a Eurobarometer survey conducted the year before the referendum, that confirms this view).

So, Can Democracy Work? asks James Miller, a writer and professor of politics and liberal studies at the New School for Social Research. How democratic are the nations today? United States claims to be a democracy. So does Russia, an authoritarian regime with multiple parties and elections held on a set schedule. Even North Korea claims to be a Democratic People’s Republic.

Modern democracy, write James Miller, in this informative examination of democracy, revolves around the idea of popular sovereignty, but this idea was utterly alien to the thinking of ancient Greeks. Rousseau, in his Social Contract, argued that slavery was unnatural and illegitimate, “but he also freely speculated that slavery was perhaps a prerequisite of democracy in Athens.

When it comes to the idea of democracy in the United States, the Founding Fathers had mixed feelings, in fact, some of them opposed the creation of political parties at all. In his Farewell Address in 1796, George Washington warned:

“However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.”

The practices used today by the American ruling class are similar with those used by the ancient Greek Oligarchs more than two thousand years ago. Americans do enjoy many features central to democratic governance, such as regular elections. But policy–making is dominated by powerful economic elites and organised groups, a permanent political class that represents business interests and have a substantial impact on US policy.

James Miller is aware of the challenges to democracy, its faults and its limitations, but he is also hopeful. Alexis de Tocqueville pointed out that democracies always look weaker than they really are. Democratic systems are able to expose alternative leaders that could provide alternative solutions to complicated problems and challenges. Robust constitutions and free institutions are the foundations for a democratic state based in rule of law. Perhaps the best way to promote democracy is by empowering women, boosting programs that reduce economic inequality and preparing our children to think both critically and creatively. By being able to evaluate the credibility of news and information they will be able to make the distinction between the truth and the lie.

Can Democracy Work? A Short History of a Radical Idea, from Ancient Athens to Our World by James Miller is a history of democracy in its various forms throughout history. Miller Miller is an American writer and academic. He is known for writing about Michel Foucault, philosophy as a way of life, social movements, popular culture, intellectual history, eighteenth century to the present; radical social theory and history of political philosophy. He currently teaches at The New School.

Democracy* is a term that has been used for so long and in so many ways that it has lost its meaning. North Korea claims to be a Democratic People's Republic. Russia is an authoritarian regime with superficial democratic fringe. Greece is the so-called cradle of democracy, but how democratic was it really? What percentage of the population were allowed to participate? Positions of authority at times were chosen by lot since elections were seen as corrupt. Even today, in America, elections are about money. LBJ was successful because of people in Congress who owed him favors. Political machines tainted American democracy.

America's founding fathers were not in favor of democracy and looked to the Roman Republic as a source for stable government rather than Athens. The original federal government was small and did little compared to day's government. Democratic types of government work best in small groups. In large groups mob rule and the tyranny of the majority are likely to take place. Divided government slows the actions of mob rule somewhat. Major events can still trigger rapid action. 9/11 triggered a piece of legislation called the Patriot Act. Legislators admitted not reading it before voting for it. This would not have happened without the act of terror. It created a type of "mob rule" or general will, as Rousseau would have called it, that bucked the system of government.

Miller also includes one of the maligned Western political thinkers, Machiavelli. Machiavelli was a republican and believed in representational government and more importantly, he believed in citizen militias. If the citizens had a stake in their government they would be willing to defend it. Inclusion into governing has been debated limited and expanded and limited again. White (or native) men who held land were usually given the right to vote. Sometimes military service was also a condiction. Does expanding the number of voters help or hinder the selection of a good leader. Would a larger pool of voters or a small pool of educated land-owning voters provide better results? That question still haunts the idea of democratic rule.

Leaders in France, England, and Russia are also looked at in the historic sense along with American leaders like Andrew Jackson. Our current president is a fan of Andrew Jackson and the two do have much in common.  Miller, in a well-cited work, discusses the history of democracy and its various forms in mainly in Athens, France, and the United States.  Many misconceptions and inaccuracies are cleared up as well as detailing the French revolutions.  Well written and extremely informative.  



*Democracy used in its widest sense to include direct democracy and representational democracies. Likewise, small "r" republican is used to describe a supporter of a republic, representational democracy.

The author did a great job of demonstrating the strengths and weaknesses of democracy in different parts of the world and in history. I found this to be very informative.